In January of this year, President John Mahama was inaugurated as the 14th President of Ghana. During his inauguration speech, Mahama, who was taking over from former President Nana Akufo-Addo, emphasized the country's need for urgent reforms. "For some time, our country has urgently needed leadership with an unwavering desire to get things done," he said in his speech.

President Mahama's win in the 2024 elections was a historic demonstration of voting power and an expression of widespread discontent towards the previous administration. In his campaign, Mahama’s promises centred on policies around revitalising the Ghanaian economy and trimming the government.

Upon resumption, Mahama developed a social contract — a list of policies and developments expected to have been completed or implemented within his first 120 days in office. The contract, in 26 key points, promised amongst many things, to promote exports, implement the famous 24-hour economy proposition that was at the forefront of his campaign, scrap infamous taxes like the e-levy and COVID-19 levy, known to increase cost of doing business in Ghana, create a lean and cost efficient government and launch the Black Star Experience a culture, arts and tourism outfit reminiscent to the Year Of Return campaign launched by the previous administration.

So far, many Ghanaians say the administration is gradually honoring that contract. While it is typical for a new administration to have a relatively smooth start, Mahama's administration began at a time when Ghana was going through one of its worst economic crises. Inflation was high, and Ghana's exchange rate was performing poorly. In six months, he has trimmed down ministries in a bid to reset the country. Meanwhile, the Ghanaian Cedi has seen a commendable appreciation against the dollar. Upon entering office, the cedi was 14 to a dollar; now it sits at 10 cedis to a dollar owing to a range of economic reforms.

"Most of the key economic indicators are moving in the right direction," Caleb Wuninti Ziblim, an economic analyst, tells OkayAfrica. "We have seen some stability in the exchange rate, ease of inflation, and signs of growth. That is a strong footing."

Edem Kojo, a financial commentator and media practitioner, agrees. "It's been an impressive start. The economy has seen some stability, and people seem to have greater confidence in the management of the country," Kojo says to OkayAfrica. "Also, the President seems to be up and running with what many term his legacy term."

Different time, same playbook?

On the ground, opinions about Mahama's current administration are treated with a level of caution. During his first tenure, he was criticised for failing to deliver on many of his campaign promises. Critics say high levels of economic challenges, unbearable inflation, and infrastructural issues marked his previous administration. Others say he is rectifying that reputation.

So far, Mahama has removed the E-levy tax as promised and launched investigations into former government officials accused of misconduct. "Hopefully it doesn't end at just uncovering it, but uncovering and jail time for culprits," Nana Kojo Mula, a writer and publicist who describes the first six months of Mahama's administration as a breath of fresh air, tells OkayAfrica.

While many of his policy changes are yet to translate into a lower cost of living, some issues have seen improvement. "The drop in fuel prices has had a great impact on my monthly expenses," Antoinette Boama, a legal practitioner, tells OkayAfrica. "I used to spend between 800 and 1200 Cedis weekly on fuel, but in the last month and a half, I spent between 500 and 700 weekly. Not ideal, but at least we know that if our leaders want things to work, they will work."

Experts say Mahama's winning strategy lies in his proactive and receptive approach to governance.

"For instance, despite introducing an ESLA levy increase, which went against what the 2024 budget initially indicated, the government quickly suspended it after the Israel–Iran conflict began, citing the need to shield Ghanaians from further hardship. That kind of responsiveness is rare and commendable," Ziblim, the economic analyst, says.

This responsiveness is also evident in the constitutional reforms and policies that dragged on during the previous administration. "This administration appears serious about pushing through some long overdue amendments. The speed with which they have revived the process is promising," says Ziblim.

A long way to go

With three and a half years to go, Mahama still has time to prove the strength of his current style of governance while fulfilling his promises. For many Ghanaians, the primary pain points revolve around stabilizing the economy, reducing the cost of living, and ensuring that policies have a trickle-down effect on utilities and everyday commodities.

Media personality Emmanuel Kwame Sarpong hopes that the current administration will focus on addressing galamsey, an illegal mining issue that is destroying precious water bodies and causing health problems. "While campaigning, he promised us a complete revocation of LI 2462 (the environmental protection regulation), which allowed mining of any kind in forest reserves. Unfortunately, it has been a slow and shaky approach, especially with the latest development in parliament, where the aforementioned regulation has only been amended," Sarpong tells OkayAfrica.

Ghana also has a vibrant creative community that Sarpong hopes will see infrastructural support from this administration. According to him, this support would help bridge earning gaps and ensure Ghanaians have improved access to global earning tools. There is also the matter of reducing the cost of data and internet access, a costly commodity in the country. "The Communications Minister has hinted at works underway to reduce the high cost of internet despite MTN's near-monopoly. We are looking forward to seeing the manifestation of the real plans to regulate pricing or promote competition," he says.

Additionally, economists like Ziblim believe that the Ghanaian industrial sector needs a complete overhaul. Ziblim notes that the previous administration's One District, One Factory initiative was poorly designed and didn't yield desired results. "Much of the current economic momentum is driven by high gold prices, but we are still exporting raw gold. If we refined and processed it locally, we would retain more value, create jobs, and stabilise forex inflows," he says.

With so much at stake for Mahama, not merely because this is his second try at presidency but also his legacy tenure, which will define the rest of his political reputation, the energy on the ground is one of cautious hope. One that is being sustained by the current administration's responsive approach to the needs of the Ghanaian people. As Sarpong puts it, "It feels like the country we once loved again."

Johannesburg is facing yet another mayoral shakeup amid worsening service delivery, rising utility costs, and political infighting. Africa's most economically significant city has cycled through nine mayors since 2016, most removed through unstable coalition arrangements.

The latest developments include steep tariff hikes, renewed protests in Soweto, and growing uncertainty ahead of the 2026 municipal elections. The city's political leadership crisis has national and continental implications.

The city's broken pulse

To understand why Johannesburg's mayoral seat has become a revolving door, you need only listen to the voices from its townships. In Soweto's Dube township, Mpotseng Jairus Kgokong, a veteran of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), activist, and longtime resident, describes how service failures have worsened under the parade of short-lived leadership.

"Councilors are disconnected. We don't know them," Kgokong tells OkayAfrica. "In December 2023, my area, Dube, had been without power for two months. We requested a meeting with the councilor. She said, 'I will not come to the meeting,' then went on holiday to Durban. Later, she said, 'By the way, in my performance agreement, there is no mention of Eskom. I don't know why you're bothering me about this.' That's disgusting, but I'm not surprised. It means this woman's agreement is only tied to internal HR performance. The Municipal Electoral Act governs her relationship with us. I don't think she knows anything about that."

Electricity in Dube was restored in July 2024, eight months after the outage. "We've had no electricity in some places for over three years. Why? Why are some areas without water for weeks? People like me can afford alternatives. Others can't. And if they have to pay for these alternatives while still being charged by the city, it's not sustainable. The City Council has been far too slow to fix things."

This disconnect between leadership and lived reality plays out across the city's neglected neighborhoods. Entrepreneur Masechaba Nonyana, owner of Native Rebels restaurant and live music venue in Soweto, echoed similar concerns following fresh protests in Meadowlands over service delivery.

"I don't know how the people of Soweto are going to react to these electricity hikes. I'm lucky. I've got alternatives — candles, fire, solar, and gas. But most people don't. Just last week, people were protesting in Meadowlands over electricity," she tells OkayAfrica. "In all honesty, things are not different for us," she adds. "We've been struggling with resources and infrastructure since we started. The only thing is our people have less buying power, but I don't think our politicians can help us with that."

Her words, perhaps unintentionally, capture two things at once: the depth of distrust in government and the deep-seated culture of self-reliance that has grown in the absence of reliable leadership. For many in Soweto and across Johannesburg's neglected neighborhoods, survival has never depended on the state. It has been a matter of perseverance, grit, and making the most of what you have.

But this resignation comes at a cost. When residents stop expecting their government to work, the pressure for systemic change dissipates, leaving whoever occupies the mayor's office to operate in a vacuum of diminished expectations and political accountability.

Meet the candidates so far

Against this backdrop of civic exhaustion, the mayoral race presents a complex picture. With the 2026 elections approaching, parties are maneuvering behind the scenes, but no official candidate lists have been released. A few names have emerged, though the process remains uncertain.

Insiders say some parties feel the "mayoral seat has become politically toothless," a ceremonial post with "no real power to implement change but full accountability when things fall apart." As one councilor put it, "You inherit the dysfunction, but the public still blames you when the lights go out."

This reluctance speaks to a deeper crisis: when political parties themselves view the city's top job as thankless and ineffective, what does that say about the state of local governance?

Dada Morero (ANC)

The incumbent mayor, officially sworn in on 16 August 2024, took over after Kabelo Gwamanda's resignation, the latest casualty of Johannesburg's coalition politics. Since then, Morero has implemented a series of cleanup and revitalization initiatives aimed at stabilizing Johannesburg's image and restoring basic functionality.

His administration has launched several cleanup and revitalization initiatives, including a six-week "inner-city cleanup blitz" across 11 wards, the "KleenaJoburg 100 Spots" campaign targeting illegal dumping, monthly walkabouts to repair potholes, an R296 million electrification program in informal settlements, and an R3.03 billion investment plan utilizing AI leak detection and smart surveillance.

Yet critics question their depth. Zark Lebatlang, a Joburg councilor for ActionSA, remarked, "It looks good in the pictures, but in terms of a sustainable program, there is no clear impact."

Back in Soweto, Kgokong cuts through the rhetoric, "Cemeteries are overrun. Mosquitoes breed in the drains. There hasn't been fumigation in years, and there is a rodent infestation. We're led by people who don't know what they're doing. They're not in office to serve. They're there for prestige."

Meanwhile, Morero's political survival remains precarious. The Democratic Alliance (DA) tabled a motion of no confidence against him on 25th June 2025, accusing his coalition of mismanagement and service failure. The motion collapsed after ActionSA and other parties walked out, denying it the votes — a strategic move driven by coalition partners' frustration with the DA's handling of the motion and wider political posturing. These political games are a familiar story in Joburg's fractious council chambers.

Perhaps most damaging to Morero's community-focused image is the July 1st rollout of steep tariff hikes, which will hit already struggling residents with electricity increasing by 12.7 percent, water and sanitation by 13.9 percent, refuse removal by 6.6 percent, property rates by 4.6 percent, and a prepaid surcharge raised to R270. These increases may undermine his community efforts and deepen the perception that the city is bleeding its poorest residents while failing to deliver lasting solutions.

Helen Zille (DA)

If Morero represents continuity within dysfunction, Helen Zille's potential candidacy promises disruption. Whether that's salvation or further chaos remains hotly debated. Zille, a veteran journalist and politician, has commanded attention since the start of the election cycle. A former mayor of Cape Town and Western Cape Premier, she currently chairs the DA's Federal Council. Zille has confirmed she formally submitted her candidacy by the June 15 deadline, having recused herself from the DA's Federal Executive to avoid conflicts of interest.

Zille's supporters point to her tenure as mayor of Cape Town from 2006 to 2009, often remembered for notable infrastructure improvements and strong fiscal discipline. She led efforts to overhaul the city's financial management, which contributed to Cape Town achieving clean audits under her leadership. Key projects included upgrading water infrastructure, improving road maintenance, and expanding access to basic services in some historically underserved areas.

But her record comes with significant baggage. Critics argue that her focus on strict financial controls and audits sometimes came at the expense of immediate service delivery to marginalized communities. Some informal settlements felt neglected during her term, with accusations that bureaucratic efficiency overshadowed the urgent needs of the urban poor. Her tenure also saw tensions flare over statements and policies perceived as pro-colonial or xenophobic, fueling deep divisions in public opinion.

These concerns extend even within her own party. Some DA members expressed unease over her candidacy, worried that her return to the political frontline could alienate younger voters and reignite ideological fractures within the party. Yet the DA leadership has rallied behind her, with party leader John Steenhuisen saying, "Helen's decision to step aside from the executive was the right one. She's shown leadership by ensuring that the process remains above board, and we support her candidacy fully."

Zille herself frames her campaign around familiar themes. "If we restore service delivery and functionality, the city will fly." But former Johannesburg mayor Herman Mashaba, now leading ActionSA, offers a pointed critique that gets to the heart of the governance philosophy debate. "The people of Joburg need service delivery, not just clean audits and ticking boxes. When I was mayor under the DA, I had to return millions of rands to the fiscus because the bureaucracy was so focused on clean audits that money meant for service delivery was left unused. That's a failure of governance that hurts our people," he told OkayAfrica.

Coalition disarray

Understanding why candidates face such daunting odds requires grappling with the political mathematics that has made Johannesburg ungovernable. Since 2016, no party has held an outright majority, forcing fragile alliances that repeatedly unravel amid infighting and competing agendas.

Previous mayors Mpho Phalatse and Kabelo Gwamanda both fell victim to this instability. Phalatse was ousted after her coalition fell apart in 2022, and Gwamanda resigned after failing to maintain support. This revolving door politics has left Johannesburg with a governance vacuum, eroding public trust, and hampering long-term planning. Each collapse of a coalition resets policy priorities, abandons programs, and forces new administrations to waste time rebuilding relationships. For residents waiting for basic services, these disruptions are the difference between having electricity and living in darkness.

Even the most stable coalition would struggle with Johannesburg's financial constraints. The mayor inherits a structural deficit: municipal debt has ballooned due to unpaid service fees, revenue has shrunk from widespread non-payment, and escalating costs for electricity, water, and maintenance strain budgets. National regulations cap borrowing and require strict compliance, limiting flexibility.

Coalition instability compounds these fiscal challenges through delayed budgets and inefficient spending. The result is a governance vacuum where the mayor's office holds limited power yet bears full responsibility for failures.

The disconnect

This systematic breakdown of political instability and fiscal constraints has created what residents like Kgokong perceive as a crisis that transcends party politics. For him, the rot isn't limited to the ruling party or any single coalition — it's systemic. "It's not ANC or DA or whoever. It's the whole system. People use their positions to climb. They're not in office to serve. They're there for prestige," he says.

In his academic journal article, political analyst Professor Patrick Bond from the University of Johannesburg frames this crisis in broader terms. "The city's collapse is rooted in entrenched inequality and elite-driven development. Until leadership shifts from symbolic reform to structural change, the poorest will keep paying the highest price," he stated.

Kgokong's frustration with coalition politics captures the lived experience of this dysfunction. "Coalitions are meant to bring compromise, but these people bring nothing but ego. You can't lead if your only loyalty is to your party. You lead for your community. That's the deal. If you can't swallow your pride, get out of the way."

As Johannesburg heads toward its 2026 municipal elections, the question isn't just who will be the next mayor — it's whether the structural forces that have led to the downfall of nine previous mayors can be overcome by any individual, regardless of their party affiliation or personal competence. For the millions of residents still waiting for reliable electricity, clean water, and basic dignity from their government, the answer will determine whether Africa's economic powerhouse can be rescued from its downward spiral.

Currently, no African head of state is more popular and beloved than Burkina Faso’s Captain Ibrahim Traoré. Last Wednesday, in Ouagadougou, thousands of Burkinabes poured out into the streets for rallies in support of Traoré, who came into power in September 2022 through the second coup in the country that year.

The rallies followed the announcement of a foiled coup plan and statements by General Michael Langley, commander of U.S. Africa Command, critical of Traoré and his governing style. At a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing in early April, Langley accused Traoré of misusing Burkina Faso’s substantial gold reserves to protect his military regime, rather than benefiting his country’s citizens.

Always spotted in his army fatigues, with a gun at his waist, Traoré is widely valorized as a living revolutionary, an ideal figure in times when Africa’s leadership crisis has only deepened. Since ousting Lieutenant Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba, Traoré - who, at just 37, is the world’s youngest head of state - has presented himself as a leader guided by his dedication to transforming Burkina Faso, while taking a stance against neocolonialism.

Similar to Mali and Niger, both junta-ruled allies and co-founding members of the Alliance of Sahel States, Traoré has severed Burkina Faso’s ties with former colonial rulers France, and has publicly denounced Western imperialism. His primary missions are to stabilize the country’s dire security concerns due to Islamist insurgency and improve his country’s economic fortunes, where over 60 percent of the population is multidimensionally poor.

To achieve his goals for economic growth, Traoré’s government has nationalized two gold mines, stopped the exportation of unrefined gold, and started work on a refinery expected to process 150 tonnes of gold annually. In addition to gold, Burkina Faso is rich in minerals, including zinc, manganese, copper, and phosphate, as well as untapped reserves of diamonds and bauxite.

Between his charisma as a self-proclaimed revolutionary, noble intentions, and defiant stance towards Western powers, it’s not surprising that Traoré has attracted the adulation of millions of Africans, despite being an autocratic ruler.

Shortly after Langley’s comments, Traoré bluntly stated that democracy was out of the question in Burkina Faso’s near future as far as he’s concerned. “If we have to say it loud and clear here, we are not in a democracy, we are in a popular, progressive revolution,” he said, adding that freedom of expression in this system is “[how] we end up with a society of disorder.” While these statements, which seem despotic, should drum up loud criticisms, Traoré is immune due to being placed on the revolutionary pedestal.

The zeal behind the support for Traoré is also tied to the many accusations and conspiracies of Western powers antagonizing African and Global South leaders, heralded as revolutionaries. For instance, Traoré has been hailed as the reincarnation of Captain Thomas Sankara, the revered Burkinabe military leader and revolutionary killed in a coup allegedly sponsored by France and the West.

From Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah to DR Congo’s Patrice Lumumba, the role of Western and former colonial powers in removing beloved leaders and potentially destabilizing African countries has made many disillusioned and defensive when it comes to beloved leaders. That’s why criticisms instantly trailed Langley’s comments, especially as they were framed within the context of U.S. interests in West Africa and junta-ruled states allying with Russia and China.

Traoré is inching towards three years in power, and has about four years left as Burkina Faso’s military president. Last year, he upended his initial promise to return the country to democracy in July 2024, and a national dialogue, which civil society groups largely boycotted, recommending that he remain in power for five more years. The recommendation cites the country’s security situation and allows Traoré to run for election after the transition period.

The Islamist insurgency in Burkina Faso, which was cited as the main reason for both 2022 coups, has yet to get any better since the military came into power. About 40 percent of the country is still out of government control, and the army has barely gained ground in recovering areas taken by insurgents. Damningly, military forces have allegedly contributed to the deaths and rights abuses of civilians.

A Human Rights Watch report alleged that over 200 people were summarily executed by security forces based on accusations of collaborating with Islamist groups. In the last decade, tens of thousands have been killed, and over two million people have been displaced due to the insurgency. Traoré and his military government have yet to find a solution to the security concerns, and there’s no stated timeline against which to measure his performance.

For the most part, the adulation and acclaim for Traoré are primarily ideological, which raises skepticism about what he can achieve on a tangible scale. History also shows that African military leaders and revolutionaries tend to reveal a darker side as they spend more time in power. In Uganda, long-term President Yoweri Museveni came into power as a revolutionary and is now known as a strongman despite the East African country nominally operating as a democracy. It’s similar to Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, who was forced to step down after decades of bad economic policies that continue to haunt the southern African country.

Generally, military governments in Africa have failed to yield positive outcomes. Even when they start with widespread support, they often leave citizens disillusioned. Across the continent, the second half of the 20th century was defined by militarism, an “ideology of rule by soldiers,” according to Samuel Fury Childs Daly in his book Soldier’s Paradise, which examines the patterns of African military governments. “Nearly all militaries wanted to transform their countries, even though they didn’t always spell out exactly what they wanted them to become,” Daly writes.

The last thing Africa needs is leaders who can’t be held accountable and can lord their power over citizens without checks, even if they present themselves as crusaders. Having that level of power can corrupt, as the past has shown.

Traoré could very well be the type of leader who breaks the wheel, but he’s dabbling in established behaviors typical of military governments, especially restricting the country’s social and political atmosphere. Media in the country is also tightly controlled; the junta suspended a handful of media outlets for reporting on the alleged massacre, as published in the Human Rights Watch report.

In 2023, Traoré signed a general mobilization decree that allows the government to randomly conscript people aged 18 and above to fight against insurgents. Critics have decried the implementation of the decree as a way to target independent voices, such as journalist and activist Daouda Diallo, who was abducted and held to be conscripted for four months.

Amidst celebrating his anti-Western stance and autocratic leadership, the jury is still out on Captain Traoré’s legacy as an African leader. The next few years will show whether he’s truly earned the revolutionary tag or is in the same lineage as his predecessors across the continent over the decades.

Following February's senatorial election, Togo has finally transitioned into a parliamentary government system, in which the ruling party, Union for the Republic (UNIR), won 34 of the 41 available seats. Over the weekend, Faure Gnassingbé, president for two decades, was inaugurated as the President of the Council of Ministers, now the highest executive office in the country. The presidency is now a ceremonial role.

UNIR continues to hold the overwhelming majority across both chambers of the national legislature, giving the party and Gnassingbé a firmer grip on power for the foreseeable future. Opposition and civil society leaders have denounced the constitutional reform that changed the country’s government system, terming it a political coup, as Gnassingbé can now continue to hold power indefinitely without directly seeking votes.

No term limit is assigned to the President of the Council of Ministers, a role reserved for the leader of the majority party in parliament.

Togo’s parliamentary elections, which were postponed twice due to a controversial constitutional reform, trigger an effective change from the presidential system of governance to a parliamentary one. Over the weekend, the head of the country’s electoral commission, Dago Yabre, announced on a national broadcast that the ruling Union for the Republic (UNIR) party won 108 of the 113 seats in the national assembly, following the April 29 polls. Yabre also stated that 61 percent of registered voters participated in the elections.

With the UNIR retaining its dominance in the legislative house, long-term President Faure Gnassingbé gets a runway to stay in power, should his party continue to remain in the majority in parliament.

In accordance with the newly approved constitutional reform, parliament now has the power to elect the president for a single four-year term. This means Gnassingbé can remain in office when his current term ends next year, continuing on till 2029, without facing voters. Even as his approval ratings have plummeted, Gnassingbé has been in office since 2005, after the death of his father who ruled Togo for almost four decades.

The reforms also intend to make the presidency more of a ceremonial post, which would significantly strip the incumbent of his powers. However, Gnassingbé is also eligible to slip into the newly created office, president of the council of ministers — a post akin to that of a prime minister — which is meant to be occupied by the leader of the majority party in parliament.

There are no term limits to being the president of the council of ministers, a role that will command executive power under the constitution change. Gnassingbé is expected to continue ruling Togo, a move the UNIR and its loyalists claim is better representative of the public’s mandate.

Opposition groups and many citizens denounced the constitutional changes, with planned protests banned by the government. After boycotting the 2018 parliamentary elections, citing irregularities in the candidate registration process and the country’s history with generally unreliable elections, opposition parties were hoping to wrestle a significant number of parliament seats, but could only muster wins in five.

Regional observers from the Economic Community of West African States said that they were satisfied with how the election was conducted, but opposition parties have alleged irregularities in the vote. Leading up to the elections, authorities banned foreign media from covering the elections following the arrest and deportation of French journalist Thomas Dietrich — who was reportedly assaulted by government security agents.

The UNIR will now control the national assembly, the newly created senate, which political opposition believes to be a rubber stamp apparatus for President Gnassingbé’s continued rule.